Post by Deleted on Apr 1, 2020 16:26:22 GMT
I know I've missed something but I can't think what. Again, any edits/additions/corrections are welcome.
Bedford
Bedford is, perhaps unsurprisingly, the county town of the county of Bedfordshire, although it is not a city and not the county’s largest settlement. The constituency also contains the neighbouring town of Kempston, which has more or less merged into the western half of Bedford although maintains a somewhat separate identity. The constituency boundary is wrapped very tightly around the urban area of Bedford and Kempston, although the borough contains a substantial rural hinterland, the north and east of which is in the Bedfordshire North East seat and the south and west of which is in the Bedfordshire Mid constituency.
The western half of the town contains a very distinct town centre, around the Corn Exchange, the rail station, and a relatively substantial commercial area, while the east has a rather more distinct suburban feel. Bedford has a reputation amongst some for being rife with social problems: this is unfair, as although it is not without its issues, they are not outrageously common for a town of its size.
The history of the town goes back to at least the 7th century, and king Offa of Mercia, famous for building Offa’s Dyke to mark the border between England and Wales, is buried in Bedford, although the tomb is now lost to the river. The constituency’s history goes back to 1295, when it was a parliamentary borough electing 2 members of parliament. In later history, industry came to the area: in this part of Bedfordshire, it was lacemaking, which lasted until he early 20th century. An atlas of English counties also comments that what little industry existed in neighbouring Northamptonshire at the time was also largely lace manufacture. Later on, a gravel pit was sunk at nearby Marston Moretaine, and nearby Stewartby, outside the constituency but within the borough, became a centre of English brickmaking. The first brickworks in the village were built in 1897 and the industry exploded. At one stage it was home to the world’s largest kiln and at the height of production, the brickworks produced 18 million bricks and there were 167 chimneys dotted over the Marston Vale. In the 1970s, Bedfordshire produced 20% of England’s bricks.
The lack of industry in the constituency itself but the proximity of large industry has clearly had an impact on the area’s politics: it has been a classic marginal throughout its existence. Initially it was a marginal between the Liberals and Conservatives. Labour technically gained their first second place finish in a 1921 by-election, although that was a straight fight between them and a coalition-endorsed Liberal candidate. At the following year’s general election, they beat the Liberal candidate for the first time although finished behind the Conservative and the National Liberal. The Liberals re-established themselves as the main opponent to the Conservatives until the 1945 election when Labour won it for the first time, by just 288 votes or just 0.61%. From this point it transition to being a Conservative-Labour marginal, although it elected Conservative candidates in Labour victories in both 1974 elections. It was Labour from 1997 to 2010 when Richard Fuller regained it for the Conservatives. In 2017, it went back to Labour, in doing so voting to the left of the country for the first time since 1892 and was held in 2019 by a razor thin 0.3% or 145 vote margin, making it Labour's narrowest victory at the election, almost certainly helped by a Brexit Party candidate splitting the right-wing vote. House building in the town centre has led to substantial demographic change with people moving in from London and Luton, which perhaps helps explain the shift towards the Labour Party over recent elections.
The seat has a substantial ethnic minority population, especially British Asians, who form a plurality of the population in Queen’s Park ward. It is also home to a not insignificant Eastern European population and has one of the highest proportion of the population of Italian descent anywhere in the country: almost 30% of the town’s population are of at least partial Italian descent, partially as a result of migration from Southern Italy related to the brickworks. Although it does not have a commuter profile to the extent of some other places in the county, there is a commuter presence here. The largest occupation category is “professional occupations” at 23% of the workforce, although “elementary occupations” is another large category at 14.6% of those in employment. The constituency’s position as the 212th most deprived in England hides deep division – the constituency contains LSOAs in both the poorest and richest deciles in England. Broadly speaking, the western half of the constituency is the poorer and more Labour-friendly half while the east is richer and friendlier to the Conservatives, although there are of course exceptions. Goldington ward on the constituency’s eastern edge also has significant deprivation: 4 of the ward’s LSOAs are in the most deprived 30% in England. This east-west divisions appears at local elections: the western half of the town and Kempston is exclusively Labour, with the exception of two Greens in Castle ward, while the eastern half is entirely LibDem. At general elections, much of the LibDem vote goes Conservative, although the LibDems are also strong, achieving 9.7% of the vote in 2019. This is a historically marginal seat and still a marginal for now. Although demographic and political change is seeing this seat trend towards Labour, it is probably still three elections at the very least away from being considered safe for the party, if it ever gets there at all.
Bedford
Bedford is, perhaps unsurprisingly, the county town of the county of Bedfordshire, although it is not a city and not the county’s largest settlement. The constituency also contains the neighbouring town of Kempston, which has more or less merged into the western half of Bedford although maintains a somewhat separate identity. The constituency boundary is wrapped very tightly around the urban area of Bedford and Kempston, although the borough contains a substantial rural hinterland, the north and east of which is in the Bedfordshire North East seat and the south and west of which is in the Bedfordshire Mid constituency.
The western half of the town contains a very distinct town centre, around the Corn Exchange, the rail station, and a relatively substantial commercial area, while the east has a rather more distinct suburban feel. Bedford has a reputation amongst some for being rife with social problems: this is unfair, as although it is not without its issues, they are not outrageously common for a town of its size.
The history of the town goes back to at least the 7th century, and king Offa of Mercia, famous for building Offa’s Dyke to mark the border between England and Wales, is buried in Bedford, although the tomb is now lost to the river. The constituency’s history goes back to 1295, when it was a parliamentary borough electing 2 members of parliament. In later history, industry came to the area: in this part of Bedfordshire, it was lacemaking, which lasted until he early 20th century. An atlas of English counties also comments that what little industry existed in neighbouring Northamptonshire at the time was also largely lace manufacture. Later on, a gravel pit was sunk at nearby Marston Moretaine, and nearby Stewartby, outside the constituency but within the borough, became a centre of English brickmaking. The first brickworks in the village were built in 1897 and the industry exploded. At one stage it was home to the world’s largest kiln and at the height of production, the brickworks produced 18 million bricks and there were 167 chimneys dotted over the Marston Vale. In the 1970s, Bedfordshire produced 20% of England’s bricks.
The lack of industry in the constituency itself but the proximity of large industry has clearly had an impact on the area’s politics: it has been a classic marginal throughout its existence. Initially it was a marginal between the Liberals and Conservatives. Labour technically gained their first second place finish in a 1921 by-election, although that was a straight fight between them and a coalition-endorsed Liberal candidate. At the following year’s general election, they beat the Liberal candidate for the first time although finished behind the Conservative and the National Liberal. The Liberals re-established themselves as the main opponent to the Conservatives until the 1945 election when Labour won it for the first time, by just 288 votes or just 0.61%. From this point it transition to being a Conservative-Labour marginal, although it elected Conservative candidates in Labour victories in both 1974 elections. It was Labour from 1997 to 2010 when Richard Fuller regained it for the Conservatives. In 2017, it went back to Labour, in doing so voting to the left of the country for the first time since 1892 and was held in 2019 by a razor thin 0.3% or 145 vote margin, making it Labour's narrowest victory at the election, almost certainly helped by a Brexit Party candidate splitting the right-wing vote. House building in the town centre has led to substantial demographic change with people moving in from London and Luton, which perhaps helps explain the shift towards the Labour Party over recent elections.
The seat has a substantial ethnic minority population, especially British Asians, who form a plurality of the population in Queen’s Park ward. It is also home to a not insignificant Eastern European population and has one of the highest proportion of the population of Italian descent anywhere in the country: almost 30% of the town’s population are of at least partial Italian descent, partially as a result of migration from Southern Italy related to the brickworks. Although it does not have a commuter profile to the extent of some other places in the county, there is a commuter presence here. The largest occupation category is “professional occupations” at 23% of the workforce, although “elementary occupations” is another large category at 14.6% of those in employment. The constituency’s position as the 212th most deprived in England hides deep division – the constituency contains LSOAs in both the poorest and richest deciles in England. Broadly speaking, the western half of the constituency is the poorer and more Labour-friendly half while the east is richer and friendlier to the Conservatives, although there are of course exceptions. Goldington ward on the constituency’s eastern edge also has significant deprivation: 4 of the ward’s LSOAs are in the most deprived 30% in England. This east-west divisions appears at local elections: the western half of the town and Kempston is exclusively Labour, with the exception of two Greens in Castle ward, while the eastern half is entirely LibDem. At general elections, much of the LibDem vote goes Conservative, although the LibDems are also strong, achieving 9.7% of the vote in 2019. This is a historically marginal seat and still a marginal for now. Although demographic and political change is seeing this seat trend towards Labour, it is probably still three elections at the very least away from being considered safe for the party, if it ever gets there at all.
